Rumours, market manipulation and HBOS

The FSA is investigating what appears to have been a “trash and cash” operation relating to HBOS shares: this is where someone (perhaps a bank trader or a hedge fund) for a fee borrows shares, say in HBOS, promising to return them on a fixed date; sells them, say at £1 each; then does something, for instance going into pubs in the City telling everyone that HBOS is about to do a Northern Rock, to mislead others into selling their shares; then finally, when the price goes down, buying them back, say at 90 pence a piece.

It’s market abuse, by means of a manipulative device; or you can simply call it market manipulation. Here’s a good guide to the civil regulatory regime and related criminal provisions, by Morgan Lewis solicitors.

And here’s section 397(3) of the Financial Services and Markets Act 2000, which makes this kind of market manipulation an offence. You’ll see from subsection (8) that the maximum sentence is seven years imprisonment or an unlimited fine.

2008-03-20T18:04:00+00:00Tags: , , |

District of Columbia v Heller

Another fascinating case was argued before the US Supreme Court yesterday: in this case, the question before the court is whether the second amendment to the US Constitution, which guarantees citizen’s right to bear arms, precludes state laws outlawing handgun ownership.

A transcript of yesterday’s oral argument is here; and here are merits briefs for the District of Columbia, for the respondent, and the Attorney General’s brief for the federal government – which supports DC.

Blogging about this case reminds me of the excellent interview with the most famous Supreme Court Justice, Antonin Scalia, on the BBC’s Law in Action a few weeks ago: I recommend downloading the podcast. In it he denied being a “strict constructionist” (he’s an originalist – I’d be a fan of the living constitution approach if I were appointed, which is unfortunately unlikely), while expressing some provocative thoughts (about torture and the “ticking bomb scenario” famously discussed by Alan Dershowitz) also reminded us that Supreme Court decisions can’t simply be analysed or predicted in terms of a liberal-conservative split; many other factors enter into the court’s discussion, such as the rights of the states as against the Union, for example. That consideration will obviously be crucial in this case.

What’s astonishing is the extent to which the Court considers the eighteenth century English common law as background to the Constitution – Blackstone’s Commentaries are cited in the briefs and in oral argument. I love the old-fashioned fonts they use in briefs, too.

2008-03-19T18:23:00+00:00Tags: |

Patsy’s interview in the Times

If you’re like me, then reading legal journals or the legal pages of newspapers means, far too often, looking at yet another uncritical profile of or interview with some office-holder, often telling you how determined he or she is about his or her shiny new agenda in his or her shiny new job. They usually tell you how amazed they are to have it, too, having grown up… or something like that. I’m usually asleep by the third paragraph so I can’t remember what they say exactly.

So what a great pity that Frances Gibb’s interview with the Attorney in yesterday’s Times should have a bit of that feeling about it. I think we’ve all got over the fact that she’s female by now, and I’m not interested in her surprise at having the job, really. But more importantly, what’s the point of this interview? To focus on rape prosecutions is reasonable enough, but I think the Attorney gets away far too lightly with the fact that

Several proposed reforms on rape have fallen by the wayside or been overtaken by events.

Where are the hard questions about what’s happened to those reforms?

Nor am I impressed that a fair chunk of the interview is taken up with talk of the number of women “at the top” of the legal profession. I’m depressed by the focus on “the top”, and the Attorney’s touching belief that

You can now start as an administrative assistant and work up to being a High Court judge.

But more importantly, why ask her about this stuff? It’s not her ministerial responsibility. Why not ask her something about her job: like, why’s the government retreated on reform of her role? Is it true that she’s won this battle?

And where does she stand on extending pre-trial detention for terror suspects?

2008-03-19T13:58:00+00:00Tags: |

A rum pair of litigants

In the time since my last post I’m not at all surprised that Mr. Fayed has tried another judicial review; it’ll be astonishing if there’s ever an end to his Diana litigation.

There’s also of course been judgment in the amazing McCartney divorce in which another strange litigant has made a fool of herself by pouring cold water on lawyers in more ways than one. An idiotic decision, surely, to try to represent yourself in such a big money case where forensic accountancy was where the action was, allied to arguments about the legal principles to be applied in the developing area of moneybags divorces.

The law this week has definitely had a flavour of Heat magazine.

2008-03-19T13:11:00+00:00Tags: , |

Lords judgments

There are five of them.

Brit Syndicates is about the construction of an insurance indemnity policy: not my kind of thing at all. Total Network is about VAT “carousel” or “MTIC” fraud and whether HMRC can recover lost sums in the form of damages from traders.

Most of the media attention, if the judgments get any attention on budget day, will be on Norris v United States, the extradition case in which the Lords have decided that price-fixing does not in itself amount to a common law conspiracy to defraud, so that Norris cannot be extradited for that (although he can still be extradited on obstruction of justice charges, subject to further consideration by the extradition judge). GG PLC is related to Norris, and turns on whether fixing the price of drugs is conspiracy to defraud.

The most important of today’s judgments though is Animal Defenders v Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport, a human rights case in which it was argued that the ban on political advertising in section 321(2) of the Communications Act 2003 breaches the article 10 Convention right to freedom of expression. Particularly interesting, this, since when that bill passed through Parliament, ministers were unable to say the legislation was compatible, given the state of Strasbourg case law. But the legislation has survived: all the Lords agree the ban is justified and that Parliament is entitled to maintain it consistently with article 10 and the ECtHR case law. Lord Bingham gives the leading speech.

There’s an interesting sidelight: Lord Scott suggests that under the Human Rights Act the Lords can depart from Strasbourg’s case law interpreting article 10 if it sees fit; Lord Bingham and Lady Hale gang up (as usual) to disagree with him and insist the task of domestic judges is to keep pace with Strasbourg, no more no less. I’m not sure (for once) who I think’s right on this – I’ll have to have a think about it.

Sovereignty, supremacy and all that

My heart is sinking as David Miliband opens the third reading debate on the EU (Amendment) Bill. Yet again all the same old arguments are going to be thrashed out, no doubt at great length, and repetitively. It’s all important, I know, and sometimes it’s great fun, but déjà vu or rather entendu is definitely part of the whole experience.

I thought I’d take this opportunity though to respond to a post from Iain Dale on a new clause Bill Cash wanted inserted into the Bill. It said –

Notwithstanding any provision of the European Communities Act 1972, nothing in this Act shall affect or be construed by any court in the United Kingdom as affecting the supremacy of the United Kingdom Parliament.

I disagree with Iain: not on the desirability of Parliamentary sovereignty, but on the desirability of this amendment. It makes no sense, for more than one reason.

First of all, there’s a very strong argument that it would have no effect since no provision in either this Bill or in the ECA 1972 affects Parliamentary sovereignty at all (I think it’s potentially confusing to talk of Parliamentary “supremacy”). Parliament can always repeal the 1972 Act (which would amount to leaving the EU, or at least causing a huge international political crisis by, in effect, repudiating all EU rules), and that proves that sovereignty is intact. Only if somehow Parliament’s ability to repeal that Act were curtailed would sovereignty be limited.

This is why I don’t like the way people sometimes explain the workings of the Human Rights Act (which allows Parliament to legislate contrary to Convention rights) as “preserving Parliamentary sovereignty”. Since Parliament can always repeal the HRA, it could never have affected sovereignty anyway, regardless of the model it adopted for protecting human rights.

It’s true that both those Acts, the ECA and the HRA, do not admit of implied repeal in the way most Acts do: to that extent the traditional doctrine of implied repeal, which is an application of Parliamentary sovereignty, has been modified. But that’s not because of Europe, or human rights. It’s because of the way those Acts are drafted, so as to provide that today’s legislation, unless repealed, colours tomorrow’s legislation. Any Act which attempts the same effect will oust implied repeal in the same way; and the fact that Parliament can do this shows the extent of its sovereignty, not its limits. Here’s an interesting article which discusses these issues from a New Zealand perspective. From what I’ve said it’ll be clear that I disagree with Laws LJ’s theory in the Thoburn (or “metric martyrs) case that the ECA and HRA are special because they are “constitutional” in nature. That’s not the point. The issue is one of statutory intepretation where two Acts apparently conflict: can Parliament expressly make any provision overriding subsequent legislation which impliedly contradicts it? The ECA, the HRA and Thoburn show that it can.

So Bill Cash’s clause, even if passed, would not mean that the 1972 Act, which brings into our own law the doctrine of the supremacy (the right word in this context) of EU law, would be weakened in any way. The supremacy of EU law is perfectly reconcilable with Parliamentary sovereignty since it persists only so long as Parliament wills it.

I think William Hague recognises what I’m saying’s right, which is what explains why the Tories didn’t support the amendment. He’s talked in today’s debate about “ultimate Parliamentary sovereignty”, which he clearly thinks persists, and by which he can only mean what I’m talking about. Where I disagree with him is his suggestion that this “ultimate Parliamentary sovereignty” might need some entrenched constitutional protection. It doesn’t! And it’s amazing to hear a Tory talking this dangerous “written constitution” nonsense.

Secondly, nothing in “this Act” i.e. the EU (Amendment) Bill, would affect sovereignty even if you think these things are irreconcilable. It’s the 1972 Act itself, not this Bill, that provides for the supremacy of EU law – so preserving sovereignty from the Bill would make no difference.

The truth is that Bill Cash’s aims can only be achieved by repealing section 2 of the 1972 Act, or at least subsections (1) and (4).

He’s obsessed with dicta of Lord Denning in the case of McCarthy’s v Smith back in the 1970s, in particular his suggestion that

If the time should come when our Parliament deliberately passes an Act with the intention of repudiating the Treaty or any provision in it or intentionally of acting inconsistently with it and says so in express terms then I should have thought that it would be the duty of our courts to follow the statute of our Parliament.

You can find the full quote at this Eurosceptic website.

Well, Lord Denning’s right in this entirely orthodox view of constitutional law. But on the basis of this Bill Cash wants to insert “notwithstanding any provision of the ECA 1972” all over the statute book, in the attempt to override the supremacy of EU law. Well, he has a sort of point: you could indeed draft an Act in a specific policy area, say, a fisheries restricting British waters to British boats, so as to exclude EU law. If I were drafting it, I’d say the 1972 had no effect in relation to it, or something similar.

But clearly that would provoke a legal and constitutional crisis, and the UK could still be fined by the ECJ for its non-compliance with the common fisheries policy. No: the only real way to achieve what Bill Cash wants is to leave the EU and repeal the 1972 Act. I wish he’d be open about that.

I’d like to leave you with another bit from that Lord Denning quote – a bit that Bill Cash doesn’t often quote.

This means that ultimate sovereignty still rests with Parliament: Community Law prevails only because Parliament wants it to prevail. Parliament could always repeal the European Communities Act and then Community law would cease to have effect in the United Kingdom.

Pannick on DNA

Wow! I actually agree again with David Pannick in his Times column today. And not just on DNA and the UK’s defence in S and Marper case. I also think his comments on webcasting Supreme Court hearings are bang on. Of course, in this 21st century, the broad public should be able to follow proceedings closely wherever they are, and whenever they like – I’d argue for witten submission to be available online, too.

2008-03-11T16:29:00+00:00Tags: , , |

Goldsmith on citizenship

I can’t not mention my old boss Lord Goldsmith’s report on citizenship, which has attracted a lot of attention because of its suggestion that teenagers might swear allegiance to Queen and country. I have to say if this had been in place when I was sixteen, I’d have refused.

Actually the report is more interesting than that, though. Lord Goldsmith also recommends, for instance, limiting the right to vote in Westminster elections to British citizens, giving discounts on Council tax and student loan repayments for those who do voluntary work, and, most interestingly of all, that there be an enhanced “narrative of citizenship” which could be helped by a narrative statement of rights and responsibilities which is not meant to be justiciable (para. 26 to 32 of Chapter 6). He suggest the government could think about this as part of its policy on a Bill of Rights and Responsibilities.

I think junking the Bill of R&R and doing what Lord Goldsmith suggests might be an excellent wheeze to cop out of the impossible and nonsensical task Justice ministers are currently faced with – if they’ve got any sense they’ll seize on his recommendation as a way out.

Alcopops and excise duty: what’s going on?

Iain Dale’s famous blog linked the other day to a post at the EU Referendum blog, which suggests EU law may prevent the UK from imposing a higher rate of duty on alcopops, and casts doubt on Tory claims that this would be permissible as long as the duty is calculated by reference to alcohol content.

EU Referendum is a bit confused about the applicable law, but I think they have a good point; the suggestion from “Labour sources” that a targeted duty would breach EU law may well be rights.

While it’s true that article 90 of the EC Treaty prohibits discriminatory and protectionist taxation –

No Member State shall impose, directly or indirectly, on the products of other Member States any internal taxation of any kind in excess of that imposed directly or indirectly on similar domestic products.

Furthermore, no Member State shall impose on the products of other Member States any internal taxation of such a nature as to afford indirect protection to other products.

– there’s no reason to believe a higher tax on alcopops would discriminate – I imagine most of them are produced in this country, and so long as a substantial proportion of them are, and these are treated the same as imported alcopops, I see no difficulty. Nor, again, would there seem to be anything protectionist in the policy, unless alcopops were mainly produced abroad.

But EU Referendum also suggests Directive 92/83 limits what the UK can do – and I think there’s more to this. The provisions are complex (it’s one of those fatally boring technical Directives), but it harmonises the structure of excise duty. Under article 13 Member States must charge the same rate of duty on all products that fall within the category “other fermented beverages” (which I think would cover alcopops based on wine) and under article 21 they must charge the same rate on spirits (which would include alcopops based on vodka and so on). So, it does indeed seem that alcopops can’t be singled out from other wines or spirits.

So, if that’s right, how come some members states think they can get away with higher rates on alcopops? And how how come the Commission knows it (see these answers to a Luxembourgeoise MEP) and yet is doing nothing?

I suspect this may be a question of politics and risk. Against the background of increasing concern about alcopops across Europe, I suspect the Commission may be considering amending EU legislation to deal with them, and that infraction proceedings against member states are a very low priority.

2008-03-11T13:44:00+00:00Tags: |

Seroxat: the legal questions that must be asked

Yesterday the Medicines and Healthcare Products Regulatory Agency announced it had decided not to prosecute GlaxoSmithKline for offences under medicines legislation, although it says GSK failed to inform it promptly of data it had from clinical trials suggesting that the anti-depressant drug Seroxat (GSK’s UK brand name for the active substance paroxetine – marketed in the US as Paxil) is associated with increased suicidal behaviour in some depressed children. Here is the MHRA webpage with its press release and related documents.

At the time the MHRA found out about this data about seven thousand under-18s were being prescribed the drug – so GSK’s late reporting is bound at the very least to have caused some British teenagers to have suicidal thoughts. Who knows whether some young person died because of this. In fairness I should say that GSK deny they reported the data late. The MHRA claims that GSK knew as early as 1998 that Seroxat was ineffective in treating children’s depression. But it didn’t tell them. Amazingly, it planned in 2003 to apply for a licence specifically for children!

In my view, this whole affair represents a serious failure of the medicines regulatory system, and a number of hard questions need to be asked of the MHRA Chief Executive Kent Woods, and of health ministers. In particular:

Were the MHRA and its lawyers right to think that GSK was not, or may not have been, required to report adverse reactions from Seroxat used in trials outside the terms of its UK marketing authorisation?

Were they right to think Seroxat was not authorised for use in children?

Why were MHRA officials unable to question GSK staff?

Does the MHRA have the powers it needs to properly regulate pharmaceuticals industry?

This monster post is my attempt to explain why I’m not satisfied with the MHRA’s explanation for its decision, and why I think these questions need to be answered.

The key document explaining the decision not to prosecute is this MHRA report into its investigation and legal consideration of prosecution. In the remainder of this post I’ll refer to various paragraphs in that report.

Were the MHRA and its lawyers right to think GSK may not have been required to report adverse reactions in trials outside the terms of Seroxat’s license?

Para. 33 sets out the potential offences that were considered in this case. From 28 February 2002, Schedule 3, paragraph 10(d) of the Medicines for Human Use (Marketing Authorisations Etc.) Regulations 1994 it was an offence for a “qualified person” (a specialist that every drug firm must employ specifically to provide information to the regulator) to fail to provide to the MHRA any information relevant to the risk/benefit analysis of a medicine as required by the European Medicines Code, Directive 2001/83.

I’ve not posted a link to the Regulations because the version on the Statute Law Database is out of date; the MHRA document correctly explains the position as from 2002.

So what did the EU Code require? As para. 42 of the MHRA report says, article 103d of the Code says the qualified person is responsible for providing to national regulators any information relevant to evaluating the risks and benefits of a medicine.

I think that’s all very clear. The EU Medicines Code requires the QP to give the regulator any risk/benefit data; and the UK Regulations make it an offence for the QP to fail to fulfil that responsibility. So why did the MHRA think there was some doubt here about whether late reporting would amount to an offence?

Paragraph 49 of the report explains this. It explains that the requirement in article 103d of the Code to report information on post-authorisation safety studies only covers studies of the drug within its licensed use.

That is I presume because post-authorisation safety studies are defined in article 1.15 of the Code as studies carried out in accordance with the marketing authorisation of a drug. But in addition this view sees article 102 of the Code, which requires national regulators to maintain a pharmacovigilance system to ensure good regulatory decisions having regard to adverse reactions under normal conditions of use, as colouring what information a qualified person must provide. According to this argument, the normal conditions of use are those approved in the marketing authorisation.

I have to say, I have real problems with this legal view. Firstly, article 103d of the Code does not limit the qualified person’s responsibility to report simply to data gathered in “post-authorisation safety studies”. The qualified person must in any event report any other information that relates to risks and benefits. So the definition of “post-authorisation safety studies” is simply irrelevant.

Secondly, I don’t read article 102 as cutting down or limiting what the qualified person must report; it simply explains in very general terms what the purpose of pharmacovigilance is as far as regulators are concerned.

In any event, thirdly I think it is too much to read the phrase normal conditions of use in the Code as meaning use within the terms of a marketing authorisation. It helps when thinking about this to consider article 116, which gives the regulator power to revoke marketing authorisation, and article 117 which enables it to recall products and stop further supplies. Under article 116, revocation can happen where a drug is harmful under the normal conditions of use, is ineffective or where the risk/benefit balance is not positive under the normal conditions of use. Do the MHRA’s lawyers seriously think that the fact that a serious risk arises from a drug only when used outside the strict terms of its authorisation – say, if you dropped dead if you took those two paracetamols just a little less than fours hours after the previous two – means the MHRA could not withdraw authorisation? That’d be silly. If people did start dropping dead for getting their timings wrong, you can be sure the MHRA would revoke authorisation for paracetamol on the basis that the normal conditions of use, in the real world, are not necessarily in all respects strictly limited to the authorised use.

I must be fair, and refer you to article 117. That as I’ve said is about product recall and impounding products at the factory gates, something the regulator can do if the product is harmful under the normal conditions of use, is ineffective or where the risk/benefit balance is not positive under the authorised conditions of use. Now, admittedly, this drafting causes confusion since it seems to suggest that the phrase authorised conditions of use can be used interchangeably with the phrase normal conditions of use. There’s no easy answer to this, European legislation being drafted pretty slackly on the whole. It’d be misconceived to attempt to draw some fine distinction between articles 116 and 117 or even between the different grounds for withdrawal under article 117. I can’t rationalise away this drafting problem.

But equally, it doesn’t work to rationalise it away by concluding that revocation and recall can only happen on the basis of harmful authorised use. That would actually run counter to the purpose of the Code, as revealed by recital (2), which says its essential aim must be to safeguard public health – and EU legislation must of course be interpreted purposively, in line with its aim.

Let me put it more starkly. The MHRA report says use in children is outside the authorised use. Would the MHRA claim that, if those children who were prescribed the drug all killed themselves en masse, it as the regulator would have no power to revoke the authorisation? Of course it wouldn’t. The product would be harmful in the normal conditions of use even if that use was unauthorised.

That ends up being a long way of explaining why I think it’s clear that GSK’s qualified person was required by law to inform the MHRA of the results of its trials, both as regards efficacy and safety, and why any failure to do so was an offence. The view of the MHRA lawyers seems to me an excessively cautious one, implying a very feeble view indeed of the duties of drug firms and the powers of the regulator.

Were the MHRA right to think Seroxat was not authorised for use in children?

Let me begin by saying it seems to be widely believed among drug firms, regulators and health care professionals that a medicine is not licensed for use in children unless the terms of its license explicitly say so. And ministers have said in Parliament that Seroxat was never licensed for use in children. My view of this will seem, therefore, contrarian. But it seems to me that Seroxat probably was licensed for use in children anyway.

How do you know what a drug is, and is not, licensed for? Well, if we could see a document called a marketing authorisation making it clear Seroxat is only licensed for use in adults, that would settle things. But I’m not sure such a document actully exists, or is available online. What does exist is the MHRA’s published “UKPAR”, or UK Public Assessment Report, a document which summarises the scientific basis on which marketing authorisation has been granted. Here’s an UKPAR for generic paroxetine. In that document there is no mention of children except in the text of the SPC or summary of product characteristics, which is a document aimed primarily at doctors explaining the drug’s use and which must be approved by the MHRA. Here’s Seroxat’s SPC. You can see that sections 4.2 on posology, and 4.4 on special warnings, both say Seroxat should not be used in children. It seems to me that it’s on the basis of these statements and these statements alone that the MHRA believe Seroxat is not licensed for children.

Well, fair enough: those statements are pretty clear, and I’ll buy that argument. But what did the SPC say before the MHRA was told about the increased risk of suicidal thoughts? Paragraph 2 of the MHRA report tells us that. The SPC said (presumably in section 4.2 on posology):

The use of Seroxat in children is not recommended as safety and efficacy have not been established in this population.

Is that it? I have to say that that standard wording, to me, seems very different from a clear statement that use in children is not authorised. What’s more, paragraph 14 of the MHRA report tells us that, once the MHRA knew about the increased suicide risk, it asked GSK to submit a variation to the marketing authorisation contraindicating use in the under 18s. So aren’t I right to suggest the authorisation was not clearly limited in that way before?

And another thing: article 116 of the EU Code say that a marketing authorisation can be varied if the risk/benefit balance is not positive in the normal conditions of use. If Seroxat wasn’t licensed for use in children, as the MHRA are now saying, and if the normal conditions of use means simply licensed use, as the MHRA’s lawyers seem to have concluded – how come the MHRA had power to vary the authorisation? None of this adds up.

Why were MHRA enforcement investigators unable to question GSK staff?

Paragraph 23 of the MHRA report tells us that GSK staff, presumably including the qualified person,

declined invitations to attend interviews under caution

Amazing. I think I’d decline an invitation like that, too. But shouldn’t the MHRA have powers to require someone to attend for questioning (which would not be the same as making it compulsory to answer)? Shouldn’t they be able to apply for a warrant of some kind? Why didn’t they get the police involved? After January 2006 they had power to arrest GSK staff for questioning in relation to these offences. Here’s Alison Hannah’s critical explanation of the new powers.

Does the MHRA have the powers it needs to properly regulate pharmaceuticals industry?

This whole affair seems to me a serious failure of the medicines regulatory regime, a regime riddled with legal confusions, doubtful assumptions, excessive caution and misunderstanding. Does the MHRA have power even to vary drug licences in these circumstances? They seem not to think so. How can it be that the regulator thinks the law doesn’t require this safety data to be passed to it? Why does the MHRA seem so toothless in the face of the drugs industry? I’m glad legal changes are being made now, but are they really necessary, or is my analysis correct? Is the regulator being unduly cautious about its powers? Why have these “gaps” in the law, if indeed they are gaps, only been spotted now?

I’m not sure this regulatory system is fit for purpose.

2008-03-07T12:52:00+00:00Tags: , , , |
Go to Top