HSMP Forum v Home Secretary

As has been widely reported today, the government has been defeated in judicial review challenge to the changes it made in 2006 to its highly-skilled migrant programme. Here’s the judgment.

It’s a classic legitimate expectation case, about the unfairness of the way a policy change to an application process affects people in terms of timing. The government had announced a shiny new programme to attract highly-skilled migrants to the UK by offering a path to permanent settlement in the UK. Once you got in, satisfying a points scheme, you had to pass a subsequent test to qualify for settlement. In the documentation sent to potential applicants, there were statements bearing the clear implication that those rules would not be changed following successful initial entry to the UK. But the government did then subsequently change those rules. No one disputes it could properly do so for new applicants. But they also tightened up the criteria for extension even for those who’d already moved to the UK based on the original terms of the offer.

The government is apparently considering an appeal, but I wouldn’t give them much chance. I think the judge’s analysis of the original prospectus for the programme clearly shows the government offered a forward framework for settlement; it is obviously unfair, given the reliance people have placed on that prospectus – uprooting themselves, buying houses, having children brought up here and educated in British schools and so on – now to pull the rug from under them, especially given the implied earlier reassurances that precisely this would never happen; and finally, even on the government’s own case there is no macroeconomic or other serious public interest to outweigh the clear unfairness to some individuals. The judge’s reasoning seems to me unimpeachable based on the existing case law on legitimate expectations – I’d tell the immigration minister Liam Byrne to save his money.

Case C-267/06 Tadao Maruko: discrimination against civil partners

An interesting post at EU Law Blog about last week’s ECJ judgment in this case, about survivors’ pension and sexuality discrimination. It’s amazing, I always think, how fundamental EC discrimination law – human rights law, you might call it – is laid down in cases about funny little niches like survivors’ pensions (like KB). So don’t let anyone tell you pension is a dull area!

In this German case, the surviving “life partner” (the German equivalent of a UK civil partner) wanted a survivors pension from an occupational scheme but was refused because only surviving spouses were covered – and old story, that. The legal issue was whether this was sexual orientation discrimination as regards pay, and so outlawed by the “Employment Directive”, 2000/78.

Now, a survivor’s pension rights are clearly pay in EC law terms; that’s long been established, and the ECJ had no difficulty in reaching that conclusion, unsurprisingly. More difficult are the questions whether the refusal of benefit here amounted to discrimination, and whether rules favouring marriage are outside the scope of the Directive altogether – and these are the two points I want to comment on.

First: to what extent is this sexual orientation discrimination? Well, the court has ruled (see paras. 65-73 of the judgment) that a rule giving a pension to a surviving spouse but not to a surviving life partner is direct sexual orientation discrimination because German law essentially treats life partnership as equivalent to marriage. It follows that life partners are in a comparable situation to spouses; and to favour the “straight hitched” over the “gay hitched” is therefore directly discriminatory. This principle must, it seems to me, apply to British civil partners, who are treated the same as married people (with an interesting exception regarding retrospective pension rights, an exception I think must be vulnerable following this case).

Fair enough, although it’s interesting that the court chose to adopt this approach, rather than, say, KB-style reasoning. In that case, denying pensions rights available to spouses in respect of a transsexual partner was sex discrimination because the transsexual partner could not marry under national law: the fact that only spouses could get pension benefits was therefore indirectly discriminatory. If you applied that kind of reasoning in Maruko, then any legal system denying to gay partners benefits traditionally given to spouses – for instance by refusing to introduce any system of civil partnership – would discriminate unlawfully. But the alternative approach taken here means that it’s only liberal countries like Germany and Britain, which have set up civil partnership systems broadly equating to marriage, which can be found guilty of Maruko discrimination. Less liberal countries need fear nothing.

The second interesting aspect is the way the ECJ has dealt with the effect of recital (22) to the Directive, which says

This Directive is without prejudice to national laws on marital status and the benefits dependent thereon.

At the time the Directive was negotiated, many lawyers thought this recital might have the effect of protecting all kinds of rules favouring marriage from the effects of the Directive; surely it must have been intended that way by those national negotiators who must have argued for the recital. On the other hand, the recital is highly ambiguous – does it simply mean that benefits dependent on national laws are protected, or all those dependent on marital status? Does the protection mean marriage rules are lawful, or simply that the principle of non-discrimination might require their extension to the non-married, rather than their abolition? And the recital is not reflected in any substantive provision of the Directive, and it’s well established that recitals do not, in principle, have substantive effects in themselves. So, what to make of it?

Well, the ECJ has more or less ruled that the recital is of no effect. It addresses the issue at paras. 58 and 59 of the judgment. It says civil status is a matter of national competence, but in exercising it member states must comply with Community law and the principle of non-discrimination, referring by analogy to the free movement cases Case C‑372/04 Watts and C‑444/05 Stamatelaki.

This is totally bogus reasoning, typical of the ECJ at its very worst. It’s circular: the very question at issue is whether the EU principle of non-discrimination on sexual orientation grounds applies to national rules favouring marriage, so it’s obviously wrong to answer it by reference to the application of the EU law non-discrimination principle. This element of the reasoning amounts to no more than a ruling that the Directive’s substantive provisions (which do not contain a proviso such as is set out the recital) take precedence over the recital. It’d have been better to have cast the reasoning in more direct terms such as that. And it’s also because the question was about the possible existence of an exception to non-discrimination that the references to free movement cases are utterly bogus, too. I don’t object to the result – I think member states who wanted to protect marriage rules probably were advised that they needed more than a recital if they were to achieve that – but disingenuous and confusing judicial reasoning like this is a bit of a disgrace I think.

Is the Fayed farce finally over?

I sincerely hope so. Of course he doesn’t accept the unlawful killing verdict. He’ll believe there was a Nazi establishment murder plot until he meets the all-knowing conspiracy theorist in the sky, and no kind of inquiry could ever put his mad theories to rest unless Fayed himself were to write its conclusions. Far too much time and money has been spent on this now; to adapt the words Attlee wrote to Harold Laski, a period of silence from Fayed would now be welcome indeed. I doubt very much we will have that blessed relief.

2008-04-07T22:13:00+00:00Tags: , |

Access to court – Zimbabwe-style

The drawn-out farce of the Zimbabwean “elections” has now taken a mad legal turn, with the MDC going to law to force the election commission to release the results, but being prevented from entering the court by Mugabe’s police. I can’t help thinking this hilarious, as well as infuriating, and I’m astonished people in Zimbabwe still have the patience to try to oust Mugabe in polite ways, appearing to go along with the pretence that they live in a normal society with fair and functioning institutions. Isn’t it time to realise that Mugabe will only go if forced to by his people? I’m not suggesting violence; I am suggesting mass civil disobedience and replacing work with anti-Mugabe rallies.

As I’ve said before, Zimbabwe’s lawyers can do their bit: I think the judges should hold their court outdoors, or in secret, if they can, or over the phone – however they need to in order to frustrate the police and get the case heard. Let’s see if they do.

In the meantime, I can’t get out of my head a tune by the Zimbabwean band the Four Brothers, called Rugare (it’s track number 11). I can’t understand the lyrics of course but my own 2008 English version goes “Mugabe, **** off, Mugabe!“.

2008-04-05T12:59:00+00:00Tags: , |

That Procul Harum judgment

Here it is. Moral? Don’t wait 38 years to recover from the drugs. And anyway, isn’t Bach the real originator of this choon?

I thought you’d like to know what Dominic Sandbrook says about it in White Heat:

Psychedelic music set out to evoke the dilation of the senses experienced through LSD ‘acid trips’. Its songs abandoned traditional structures for lengthy, often self-indulgent improvisation, while its lyrics were self-consciously ‘spiritual’ and ‘meaningful’. An obvious bestselling example was Procul Harum’s single ‘A Whiter Shade of Pale’, which included an introduction based on Bach and some magnificently pretentious lyrics… With references to ‘sixteen Vestal virgins’, people ‘wandering through playing cards’ mermaids taking ‘Neptune for a ride’ and so on, this was typical psychedelic stuff, anticipating the lyrical excesses of progressive rock in the early 1970s.

2008-04-04T13:27:00+00:00Tags: |

The meaning of camp

Until now I’ve missed this judicial review judgment from March, about byelaws relating to a women’s peace camp at Aldermaston. The challenge to the byelaws succeeded in part, because they would have criminalised putting a jumper down on a bench, but I’m more interested in the failed attempt to argue that making it an offence to camp in a defined area is too vague a prohibition to be legally certain, as camp is left undefined and could mean all kinds of things. I know you’re as anxious as me to ascertain the legal meaning of camp.

Honestly, though! Something that’s long driven me mad is the deep need of many people, most of them not lawyers in fact, constantly to want words defined as though that’s always essential to get at their meaning. The point about interpreting laws is not simply that you have to work out what a word means in an abstract sense; you have to go beyond that and decide whether a particular thing or circumstance falls within that meaning. All definition does in principle is replace one word with many more, against whose meaning we still, ultimately, have to judge the thing.

I’m not suggesting defining words is pointless: it’s very useful as a way of reducing a precise concept down to a simple, practical one (or two or three) word label, and in some contexts (embryology, say, or drug control) real scientific precision may be required so as to enable measurement, say, of whether the thing is the substance you want to regulate. But with any law, there comes a point beyond which further definition doesn’t help: the point where you just have to decide whether or not you think Ms. Smith the anti-weapons protester is or is not camping at Aldermaston. If you’re not capable of deciding that kind of thing, there really is no hope.

2008-04-03T10:27:00+00:00Tags: |

The curse of legal qualifications

It’s two lawyers down, one to go after Shazia got herself fired from The Apprentice last night. Quite wrongly, to be fair: the awful Jenny or the wet Lucinda shoulda got the boot. Then again, shouldn’t these lawyers be a bit better at cutthroat boardroom defence than they’ve so far proved?

What chance of Sara surviving the pub task next week?

2008-04-03T10:00:00+00:00Tags: |

Counter-Terrorism Bill

The government’s Counter-Terrorism Bill got through second reading unopposed yesterday: the real action will come in votes on specific amendments at a later stage. You can find the Bill and explanatory notes to it, here, and here’s the Hansard record of the debate, which was very one-sided – a few Labour MPs backed the government’s proposed and so-called “reserve power” to permit pre-charge detention of terror suspects beyond 28 days, but overwhelmingly those who spoke were against. I’d be astonished in the government can get this legislation through. A lot has been said about detention: I’d vote against this extension if I were an MP, and so it appears would most people who aren’t ministers.

A less noticed aspect of the Bill is Part 6, particularly clauses 64 and 65 which deal with inquests. Douglas Hogg and Joan Humble both expressed concern about them in the debate. Clause 64 gives the Home Secretary power to decide that an inquest be held without a jury where this is either in the interests of national security, “in the interests of the relationship between the UK and another country” or “otherwise in the public interest”. And if she decides a jury should not hear the case, she can also, under clause 65, sack the coroner and replace him or her with one of her own choosing, whom she can then pay whatever she likes. She can also then sack her favourite if he or she fails to act as expected, and replace them with another hand-picked coroner.

These are outrageous provisions, clearly designed to deal with troublesome coroners like Andrew Walker, who, among other controversial statements and rulings, last year found that American forces unlawfully killed Lance Corporal Hull in Iraq in 2003 and criticised the US government – quite rightly – for its shameful refusal to cooperate with his inquest. Strangely enough, Walker was not reappointed as coroner at the end of his contract last year.

These attempts by the British and American governments to frustrate and now by legislation to manipulate inquests are a scandal, and all MPs should oppose them.

2008-04-02T13:39:00+00:00Tags: , , |

Commission launches Northern Rock state aid investigation

The European Commission has decided to investigate the UK’s state aid to Northern Rock. No surprise, this: such a massive rescue of a bank was bound to be looked into fully. And it seems to me inconceivable that the Commission will not, ultimately, give clearance in principle, even if it requires minor adjustments to the government support regime in order to avoid market distortions. It’s worth noting that the Commission has already approved the emergency measures the government took towards the end of last year; this investigation relates to the longer-term restructuring plan being undertaken since nationalisation.

2008-04-02T12:52:00+00:00Tags: , , |

Turkey: ruling party subject to legal challenge

Turkey’s Constitutional Court has decided to hear an application by a prosecutor to have Prime Minister Erdogan’s ruling Justice and Development Party ruled unconstitutional on the basis that its threatens Turkey’s secular principles.

We’ve been here before: in 1998 the Constitutional Court ordered the dissolution of the Welfare Party, because policies advocated by leading members, in particular the introduction of sharia law, were incompatible with the secular democratic nature of Turkey as guaranteed by its constitution. The Welfare Party complained to the The European Court of Human Rights but the Court upheld the dissolution order: the Court held by four votes to three that the Party’s policies were themselves contrary to the human rights principles in the European Convention. The case was looked at again by the Grand Chamber, which in 2003 unanimously upheld the initial judgment. The response of the disappointed members of the party? To reform into the Justice and Development Party or AKP, adopt a more moderate approach to politics, and get elected into government.

A lot will turn on the actual statements the prosecutor has evidence of: if there is decent evidence that powerful party officials are in reality aiming at a sharia state, then dissolution is possible, and the clear approach of the ECtHR in 2003 suggests that would be permissible in human rights terms. But in the absence of real evidence of an AKP “hidden agenda”, I this this latest move by Turkish secularists will probably fail. To want to introduce sharia law is one thing; to want to permit women students to wear the veil and to permit more religious education, which are the most controversial changes the AKP has brought in, is quite another. It seems to me difficult to characterise those policies as contrary to human rights principles.

2008-04-01T13:40:00+00:00Tags: , , |
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