Nothing "landmark"

Eady J was keen to point out that, strictly speaking, his judgment in Max Mosley’s case does not involve any radical development of the law:

It is perhaps worth adding that there is nothing “landmark” about this decision. It is simply the application to rather unusual facts of recently developed but established principles (para. 234 of the judgment).

In a sense, he’s right: to lawyers in this field there is indeed nothing new in the idea that it’s now possible to go to court to complain of a breach of privacy under the approach developed by Eady J himself at first instance, and approved by the Court of Appeal, in McKennitt v Ash, following Campbell v MGN in which the House of Lords recognised this new form of action. Nor is there anything new in the principles Eady J applied – just as he said. He asked first, whether Max Mosley had a reasonable expectation of privacy in the circumstances; he concluded that he did. And he asked, secondly, if, weighing the competing Convention rights to privacy on one hand and freedom of expression of the other, there is any countervailing public interest justifying the intrusion. He concluded that there wasn’t.

But in spite of this relative legal familiarity, at least to human rights and media law specialists, I think the case may announce to the general public the arrival of this relatively new privacy law more effectively than the Campbell case did. Perhaps it’s the timing; perhaps it’s the kinky sex. But I think this judgment may be taken general note of, and that people may realise this wasn’t a libel case, but a right to privacy case. It’s also interesting in itself for Eady J’s reasoning. Although much of the judgment is taken up with the question whether Max Mosley’s “party” had a Nazi element or theme to it (the judge found it didn’t), Eady J makes a number of judicial suggestions, assumptions and implications in his judgment that may contribute fruitfully to further development in this area.

The first thing worth saying is that at the first stage, when deciding if there is a reasonable expectation of privacy, Eady J states as a general principle that if you have sex with someone you can reasonably expect them to keep that, or at least the details of what you got up to with them, confidential. In that sense, to kiss and tell is to commit an “old-fashioned breach of confidence” as the judge put it, even if the Human Rights Act didn’t exist.

More controversially, though, Eady J holds that the fact you pay a prostitute makes no difference. I wonder if this principle is really sustainable, given the exploitation and danger to women involved in prostitution, and the way it feeds organised crime.

Thirdly, Eady J’s judgment is noticeably friendly towards kinky sex and the people who go in for it. Not only does he not see the fact that sex involves “S&M” as making any difference to his general principle about confidentiality (the judgment displays the usual hilarious judicial style when discussing thing like spanking, and Eady J delightfully refers to the ladies Mosley was friendly with as dominatrices – who says a knowledge of Latin’s old hat in law?). He almost goes as far as to suggest that the unwritten confidentiality code within the BDSM community adds something to a participant’s legal expectation of privacy. I say almost; he doesn’t quite say that in terms. But at paragraphs 105 and 106 I think his judgment is “visibly coloured” (to adapt a phrase he uses later in the judgment, when discussing the facts) by the idea.

What’s more, Eady J delivers a welcome judicial flogging to the famous House of Lords decision in Brown. Or perhaps a better metaphor would be to say that he ties it down very firmly to its own facts, insisting on “some sense of reality” in the face of the News of the World’s argument that Mosley’s spanking amounted to a criminal offence and should therefore be exposed. Of course what he says doesn’t it itself affect the authority of Brown. But I think it’s an important judicial comment that will help Brown on the way to being recognised as an anomalous case, fundamentally deciding there is some limit to the kinds of assault that can be legally justified by consent, a principle that is however only really relevant in fairly extreme cases. By the end of his judgment, Eady J makes the News of the World’s argument that spanking is depraved, immoral and criminal seem as old-fashioned as similar attitudes about homosexuality.

A last interesting point on law and sex: Eady J says at para. 122 that

It is probably right to acknowledge that private fantasies should not in themselves be subjected to legal scrutiny by the courts, but when they are acted out that is not necessarily so.

Again, I’m not sure this is really sustainable, unless qualified in relation to fantasies about children; I can see a legitimate place for the courts if people are barred from working with children on the basis of their sex fantasies. But it’s an interesting thought.

There’s lots more of interest in the judgment: Eady J says (para. 112) that newspapers can properly try to defend breaches of privacy using public interest arguments they only think of after publication; importantly, he floats – presumably for the benefit of the Court of Appeal, if it comes to consider this case or one like it – that perhaps courts should consider when balancing free speech against privacy the extent to which journalists acted responsibly; and he says that the extent to which someone like Max Mosley is exposed because of his own irresponsibility is relevant to assessing damages. Finally, he holds (after I think a rather confused discussion of whether the new breach of privacy action is a tort) that exemplary damages are not available in such a case.

So this is, if not a landmark in the strict sense of precedent, then at least an important further contribution by Eady J to the development of our law on privacy.

I’ve just one criticism of the analytical structure the courts are adopting: at stage 2, once a reasonable expectation of privacy has been established, when balancing free speech and privacy and deciding whether intrusion is justified the courts so far – and Eady J in this case – have tended to lose sight of the terms of article 8(2) and 10(2) and the need for the public interest question to be analysed specifically in those terms, so that courts consciously decide, for instance, whether a newspaper story is justified for the prevention of crime or the protection of morals, or whether ruling it in breach of privacy is justified for the protection of the reputation or rights of others. I think at the moment under Eady J’s “new methodology”, the courts have shown a tendency to forget this framework and talk in rather loose ways about balancing rights, jumping prematurely to a consideration of proportionality alone.

Case C 303/06 Coleman v Attridge Law

The European Court of Justice has given a judgment today to the effect that the “Employment Directive”, 2000/78, which outlaws discrimination at work on grounds including disability, does not simply outlaw discrimination against disabled workers but extends to protecting the non-disabled mother of a disabled child.

Sharon Coleman says that after she gave birth to her disabled son her employers, a firm of solicitors (whoops!) didn’t allow her to go back to her old job or to work flexibly, whereas they had allowed the mothers of non-disabled children to do so. She also alleges she was harassed because of her son’s disability, and that she was forced to resign. She is claiming unfair constructive dismissal and disability discrimination.

In my view the ECJ is clearly right in its interpretation of the Directive. Article 2 makes it clear that the principle of equal treatment in the Directive means that there shall be no discrimination whatsoever on any of the prohibited grounds, including disability; it goes on to define direct discrimination as happening where one person is treated less favourably than another is, has been or would be treated in a comparable situation, on any of the prohibited grounds. None of that seems to me to limit the concept of discrimination to cover only discrimination against a disabled worker. The Directive bans discrimination on grounds of disability and so it is irrelevant whether the mother herself is disabled. The question is whether she’s been discriminated against on grounds of disability.

As Advocate General Poiares Maduro rightly put it at paragraph 22 of his Opinion (the emphasis is his):

the effect of the Directive is that it is impermissible for an employer to rely on religion, age, disability and sexual orientation in order to treat some employees less well than others… This fact does not change in cases where the employee who is the object of discrimination is not disabled herself. The ground which serves as the basis of the discrimination she suffers continues to be disability. The Directive operates at the level of grounds of discrimination.

I think it was pretty hopeless for the UK to argue against this: the arguments it used are pretty pathetic. And I think the result means the Disability Discrimination Act 1995 will need to be amended again since the section 3A(1) definition of discrimination

a person discriminates against a disabled person if–
(a) for a reason which relates to the disabled person’s disability, he treats him less favourably than he treats or would treat others to whom that reason does not or would not apply

and the section 3A(5) definition of direct discrimination,

A person directly discriminates against a disabled person if, on the ground of the disabled person’s disability, he treats the disabled person less favourably than he treats or would treat a person not having that particular disability whose relevant circumstances, including his abilities, are the same as, or not materially different from, those of the disabled person.

both limit the concept of discrimination to discrimination against a person on grounds of his or her disability. I suppose the Tribunal might be asked to apply an extremely strained reading of the Act according to which the employer has discriminated against the son on grounds of his disability, by sacking his mother; but that seems too much of a stretch to me. Ms. Coleman’s claim may, ultimately, be not against her employer but against the UK itself for damages for non-implementation of the Directive.

Here are today’s Times and Telegraph articles about the case.

2008-07-17T14:02:00+00:00Tags: , , , , |

The Dwain Chambers case: the legal issues

On Wednesday we’ll hear whether Dwain Chambers has managed to get an injunction lifting his Olympic ban for drug cheating offences. I’ve no sympathy at all with Chambers – it’ll be a depressing day if he does manage to win, and will make the Olympics even less worth watching than it will be anyway.

But if like me you’re interested in how his legal argument runs, have a look at this Times article from the other week which suggests his claim may combine public and private law arguments, the argument being (a) that the British Olympic Committee, in imposing a lifetime Olympic ban on drugs cheats, has gone beyond the harmonized sanctions laid down in the World Anti-Doping Agency’s Code and is therefore beyond the BOA’s powers; and (2) that the lifetime ban amounts to an unjustified restraint of Chambers’s trade and so is an unenforceable term in the contract between them and him. There’s also this post from March on the Global Administrative Law blog from NYU Law School which is the best summary I’ve seen of the issues.

Here’s the BOA’s “eligibility bye law” that’s being questioned, and the WADA Code: article 10.2 is the key provision.

I’m not going to give a view on the merits, but I do think all this points to unnecessary weakness in global anti-doping rules. Why on earth anyone should think a two-year ban is sufficient, I have no idea; it seems to me obvious that drugs cheats should be banned from sport for life. But if WADA and its members even accepted my view as a reasonable one, then the Code ought to contain clear provisions permitting national associations from imposing stricter sanctions than those in the Code. Finally, I think the BOA has been silly in accepting a rule-based approach to who it must select, based on who wins the trials. If it had retained discretion, then it could choose not to select Chambers even if he weren’t subject to a ban.

2008-07-14T11:28:00+00:00Tags: , |

Ladele v Islington

The other court case that has attracted massive interest this week has of course been that of Lillian Ladele, who, an Employment Tribunal has found, was both directly and indirectly discriminated against on grounds of her religion, and was harassed on religious grounds, too, by disciplining her for her refusal, as a Christian, to perform civil partnership ceremonies. John Bolch at Family Lore has already posted about the case, as has Usefully Employed – and I agree with them both.

The Tribunal’s ruling is an extreme one: I hope Islington appeal, and think they must have a good chance of succeeding. How on earth can the Tribunal have concluded this was direct discrimination? Direct discrimination is where you treat someone less favourably than others not because they refuse to perform this, that or the other duty, but because they are female, or black, or a Christian. That has plainly not happened here: the Tribunal has fallen into the obvious error of thinking that, because Ms. Ladele’s beliefs are in direct conflict with a duty to carry out civil partnership ceremonies, it follows that requiring her to carry them directly discriminates against her. It doesn’t. Nothing could be plainer than that what happened here was at most indirect discrimination.

And surely any indirect discrimination was justified, too. Other councils like Kent may permit registrars to opt out of civil partnerships, but it does not follow that all employers must do so, any more than the fact that some schools permit girls to wear the jilbab means that all schools must do so. Giving a fair and equal service to the public and ensuring the availability of registrars must be an eminently justifiable reason for requiring registrars to work on civil partnerships. The Tribunal’s refusal to take Islington’s approach seriously risks giving religious minorities extreme, unwarranted protection as employees – to the extent that pursuing a secularist approach to public service provision is unlawful. That seems to me the implication of what the Tribunal has done.

Repeatedly the Tribunal says that the rights of one section of society (gay people) should not trump those of another section (religious believers), and the essence of the direct discrimination it feels Ms. Ladele suffered was that her rights were seen by Islington as “trumped” by gay rights. But the Tribunal has failed to consider whether, in striking a balance between the rights of employees on the one hand and the right of the public on the other, a public authority providing a public service, and which has a legal duty to do so in a way which does not discriminate on grounds of sexuality, may properly put the rights of the public first.

As for the Tribunal’s findings on harassment, I think they’re shocking to be frank. I don’t think the Tribunal properly addresses the question whether the so-called harassment (which at least in part consisted simply in the council’s applying what it genuinely considered – and I think for good reason – a non-discriminatory and secularist policy) was on grounds of religion. And it deals in the most cursory, question-begging way with the question whether what Islington did created an intimidating, hostile or offensive working environment.

It’s a bad decision, this: and dangerously feeds the increasingly militant claim by religious minorities for recognition of a right to discriminate against gay people even in the delivery of public services. No wonder Terry Sanderson of the National Secular Society is concerned: I think he’s right about the implications of the ruling for secularism. Let’s hope the EAT reverses it.

A final thought: if as the Tribunal says, Ms. Ladele’s stance is based on her belief that marriage is a life-long bond between a man and a woman, why didn’t she kick up this fuss about marrying divorcees?

Jason Howard’s cycling conviction

A reader has asked me what I think of the widely reported conviction and fine of Jason Howard for dangerous cycling which killed Rhiannon Bennet in Buckingham last year.

It’s always difficult to comment on cases like this. It’s tempting at least for a moment to think charging manslaughter might have been appropriate, but I agree with the Magistrate’s Blog that it’s easy to criticise the CPS (and indeed one of the problems with coverage of criminal justice is that everyone else in the system has reasons for wanting to have a go at them) and magistrates, and that hard cases like this are, well, hard. The inquest did after all give a verdict of accidental death.

2008-07-11T14:30:00+00:00Tags: |

Leaving kids "home alone": so-called clarification is the last thing we need

Not all calls for “clarification” of the law are nonsense, but it is well worth being sceptical about such calls generally: often they rest on the assumption that the law should always rely on clear-cut black and white definitions. An assumption I think is wrong, and which can be dangerous.

Take this BBC news story about the dangers, for parents, of leaving children alone at home. It tells us there is concern because the law – section 1 of the Children and Young Persons Act 1933 – “fails to specify” the precise age at which children can be left alone. But the least helpful thing you could possibly do for parents and children would be to write into law an arbitrary “home alone” age for children. Would you take a cautious approach, trying to minimise risk to children, and therefore make it illegal to leave any child of 15 at home alone? Parents like Joyce Hazard (great name, especially in the context) who’s quoted in the BBC story would obviously find that even less realistic and workable than the law is now. Or would you give the green light to parents to leave kids over 12 alone, regardless of what might happen? You only have to think about the alternatives to realise that there is good reason why the law “fails to specify” a cut-off age and why any attempt to do so would be met with howls of protest.

To be fair to the Children’s Legal Centre, I can find nothing on their website or in what their spokeswoman Kelly Everett (another great name…) said to the BBC that actually calls for such a “clarification” – although the fact that the CLC supported Shabina Begum’s ultimately unsuccessful claim in effect to a legal right to wear the jilbab at school makes me wonder how well this charity really does speak up for children’s rights.

2008-07-11T13:46:00+00:00Tags: |

Counter-Terrorism Bill: Jacqui Smith’s letter to Trevor Phillips

Last month you may remember I wrote about the Equality and Human Rights Commission’s threat to go to court claiming the Counter-Terrorism Bill is incompatible with Convention rights, and mentioned that Jacqui Smith had written to CEHR boss Trevor Phillips defending the Bill.

Well, finally the Home Office have sent me a copy of her letter.

2008-07-08T12:18:00+00:00Tags: , |

Who’s a Jew?

Munby J gave judgment last Thursday in the Administrative Court in a fascinating case about whether the admissions policy of the Jewish Free School is lawful – the complaint coming from the parents of a boy who was refused admission on the grounds that he’s not, technically, Jewish according to the orthodox way of looking at it. His mother is a convert to Reform Judaism.

The claim lost, except on the technical grounds that the JFS failed to have regard, in coming to its decision, to the need to promote equality. A declaration was the only remedy given.

2008-07-07T17:11:00+00:00Tags: , , |

Charon QC podcast: prisoners and the right to vote

This weekend Charon interviewed John Hirst of Prison Law Inside Out about his experience of life in prison, his thoughts on the penal system and about his victory a couple of years ago in the European Court of Human Rights in Hirst v UK, in which he successfully challenged the legal bar preventing prisoners from voting. Well worth listening to.

And after, that, Charon discussed the Hirst case with me! I don’t have strong views on whether prisoners should be able to vote – I was happy with the status quo but I can also see a good case for the ban being removed completely. But I am quite critical of the ECtHR’s judgment: I think it reduced the margin of appreciation to vanishing point and intervened far too readily with the UK’s approach, and on the basis of bad reasoning. We also talked about about Lord Phillips and my extreme and immoderate reaction to his lecture the other day.

You can listen here to Charon’s interviews with John Hirst and with me.

2008-07-06T13:01:00+00:00Tags: , , , , |
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