Lords Judgment: R (Wright) v Secretary of State for Health

January 22 2009

The House of Lords gave judgment yesterday in this human rights judicial review about provisional listing under Part VII of the Care Standards Act 2000, which sets up a scheme for “listing” people thought unsuitable to work with children and vulnerable adults – and preventing those listed from working in a care position.

Before I go on, I’d better declare an interest: back in 1999 and 2000 I was the lawyer at the Department of Health responsible for Part VII, and who advised ministers it was compatible with the article 6 Convention right to a fair hearing. I’m disappointed that the Lords have unanimously ruled the scheme incompatible with article 6.

The system works like this. If someone is sacked, say by a care home, because they’re suspected for instance of abusing a vulnerable old person – or perhaps for some other potentially harmful misconduct, like getting drunk when you’re supposed to be looking after someone – then the employer must tell the Department. If officials then think the case seems to raise issues of protecting the vulnerable, it then “provisionally lists” the person under section 82(4)(b). This has the effect of preventing the person working in a care position.

Next, the Department (the Secretary of State, as the legislation has it, because the officials act on behalf of the minister) asks for representations from the worker and the employer; and if officials agree the employer was reasonable in thinking the worker committed the misconduct, and that he or she is unsuitable to work with the vulnerable, then they “confirm” the listing. The worker can then appeal to a full singing-and-dancing merits tribunal which will delist them unless satisfied they did commit the misconduct, and are unsuitable.

The beef was about provisional listing: a number of nurses have complained that provisional listing means they were unable to work without having had an opportunity to answer the charges; and that they had no access to a tribunal to air their case until the Department got round to confirming their listing. Their civil rights were thus determined without a fair hearing, contrary to article 6.

Well, the first point I have to make is that the length of time the Department has been taking to process referrals has been simply scandalous. There is no reason – except possibly a lack of proper resources – why provisional listing should not happen within a day or two of referral, and the fact that in these cases it took over four months is simply ridiculous. After that, it should take only a few weeks to confirm listing, or to delist. The fact that in these cases it took about a further eights months is almost unbelievable. I think this is important because these ludicrous delays in operating a process which, when you look at the legislation, is obviously designed to bite and move very quickly (how are the vulnerable protected if provisional listing takes more than about 48 hours?), has coloured the way all judges have looked at the scheme itself – which in my view is plainly compatible with article 6.

I find Lady Hale’s reasoning very bare indeed: have a look at her paragraphs 26 to 28 and see if you can discern why she concludes article 6 is breached. All she really says is that

The process does not begin fairly, by offering the care worker an opportunity to answer the allegations made against her, before imposing upon her possibly irreparable damage to her employment or prospects of employment.

But that’s not good enough. Article 6 does not guarantee a right to a prior judicial determination of your civil rights. Otherwise, the employment tribunal system would be incompatible (for not giving you damages before you’re unfairly dismissed) and the criminal justice system would be incompatible (for allowing you to be arrested and detained, possibly irreparably damaging your employment, before your trial).

To require the Department to delay before provisional listing – which I think Lady Hale’s view necessarily means – could well breach the state’s positive obligations to protect the life of vulnerable adults, because there will be some cases in which lives really are at stake. And if your answer is “oh, then they need to separate out the really dangerous cases from the ordinary ones”, well, you’ve just introduced another issue which of its nature needs a quick decision but which presumably you want the Department to delay making so that representations can be made.

The truth is that some early protective measure is needed before representations can be heard, or else dangerous care workers can simply move from post to post in exactly the way that inquiry after inquiry says shouldn’t be allowed. To my mind, this case is about whether we want a culture that actually protects the vulnerable, or whether we want legalism and serial inquiry to be the way of our social services life until the crack of doom. And frankly, a case like this makes you realise how empty it is for liberal opinion to have wanted the merely symbolic application of the Human Rights Act itself to care homes.

I agree completely with May LJ in the Court of Appeal. This system provides a process which can and should be very speedy and which leads to a full merits tribunal, clearly compatible with article 6, together with two safeguards (the provisional listing check and the “confirmation” check) before that. The delays are scandalous but they do not arise from the structure of the legislation; and as Lady Hale herself said in MH v Secretary of State for Health (see para. 32 of her speech), if

the means exist of operating [the legislation] in a way which is compatible with the patient’s rights. It follows that the section itself cannot be incompatible, although the action or inaction of the authorities under it may be so.

She was quite right. The delays caused by the Department of Health in processing these nurses’ referrals may well have breached the right to a fair hearing within a reasonable time, as required by article 6; but the system is perfectly compatible with that right.

That bungled oath

January 22 2009

He’s done it again, then. It was obviously Chief Justice Roberts’s fault; he was the only who put the adverb faithfully at the end of the second clause, rather than at the beginning, as it should be. Perhaps it was some mad fear of a split infinitive, or something. I bet Fowler would have diagnosed that. Anyway, an “abundance of caution” means they’ve redone it so as to ward off crazy constitutional trouble-makers and presumably bloggers.

All this raises some interesting constitutional questions about the oath, though, especially about its timing and whether Obama was President before he took the oath, as suggested by the 20th amendment, or whether he only took office after the oath was given, as Article 2 of the US Constitution would suggest. If you’re interested, Howard Wasserman’s post at PrawfsBlawg sets out the arguments.

Interesting that the oath itself is non-religious and that the use of a bible and addition of the words so help me God are mere unconstitutional accretions. Having a black President is a great, historic thing, but America will take another huge step forward if one day a new President leaves out those words.

2009-01-22T13:14:00+00:00Tags: |

Fuss and nonsense from Daniel Kawczynski

January 21 2009

Here we go again. It only seems ten minutes since I was exasperated by the Damian Green affair, specifically the way MPs, media and blogs all focused quite wrongly on the extremely lawful and proper search of Damian Green’s Westminster office, while ignoring the highly improper arrest of the MP and the civil servant who leaked to him. Well, now we have another MP complaining about the police entering his office and “searching” for a document. Give me strength.

It’s difficult to be absolute without knowing the full facts, of course. But my reaction to the BBC report is to think this is a storm in a teacup, and that Daniel Kawczynski risks making a fool of himself. The police may well have committed an offence in the world of spin; but in substance I’m far from convinced they’ve done anything wrong.

First, nothing in the report suggests to me that any search has taken place. What the police did – and according to the BBC website they say they were Westminster Palace police (who obviously are allowed in… to protect MPs) they say they did by appointment. They seem to have arrived at his office, stood talking to his staff, and to have asked for documents. Then when he arrived the MP gave them to them. What’s all the fuss about? No search was conducted; so obviously no warrant was needed to authorise a search. Is it suddenly wrong for the police to do things by consent and presuming law-abiding citizens will cooperate with them? Is it suddenly wrong to cooperate with the police? Apparently so, as Daniel Kawczynski had a subsequent crisis of conscience about it.

I reckon going for a warrant would have been massively disproportionate as a search wasn’t needed, and it would have wasted the courts’ time. Indeed, has I been the magistrate I don’t think I’d have granted a warrant. I’d have said the police should just ask – as they did. It really has come to something if MPs think every time the police need a document from them, they should mount a full search under a warrant.

I wish people would stop this warrants nonsense. At another place I wrote about Greengate and quoted Trouble-All from Ben Jonson’s Bartholomew Fair, but perhaps he could do with being quoted again:

Trouble-all: Have you any warrant for this, Gentlemen?
Quarlous,
Winwife: Ha!
Trouble-all: There must be a warrant had, beleeue it.
Winwife: For what?
Trouble-all: For whatsoeuer it is, any thing indeede, no matter what.

I’m afraid MPs and commentators are beginning to sound a lot like that.

2009-01-21T22:45:00+00:00Tags: , , |

Carrie v Tolkein

January 21 2009

This libel judgment from the High Court last week caught my eye: Eady J has struck out a libel claim about a blog comment under the Jameel jurisdiction to protect the court from abuse of process where there is no substantial publication of the allegedly defamatory stuff.

The case was about a blog, specifically comments made on the claimant’s own blog, which he didn’t remove. Essentially the defendant successfully argued that for the vast majority of the time the comments have been visible, the claimant has in effect consented to publication by failing to delete the comments.

So, that’s yet another reason to delete any libellous comments about me. The case is also interesting for revealing the claimant’s sock-puppetry. Eady J says

the Claimant was at pains to point out that people on blogs very often assume a persona different from their own and this does not necessarily imply any intention to deceive.

Mm.

2009-01-21T14:29:00+00:00Tags: , |

Shadow Attorney mystery solved

January 20 2009

It’s going to be… Dominic Grieve. Still. In addition to his post as shadow Justice secretary.

As I’ve commented at Iain Dale’s Diary, I suppose it makes sense in a way for Justice and the shadow Attorney’s role to be combined if the Conservatives really want to make progress on their “British Bill of Rights” idea – there is a big legal component to this as well as policy, and perhaps having one person in charge is a good idea.

I remember when Dominic Grieve used to support incorporation of the ECHR, though, before he was an MP (I remember him making a fool of Paul Boateng at a Liberty conference in I think 1995: Boateng opened with an angry tirade about how his Tory counterpart was going to fight human rights legislation tooth and nail and stamp poor naked orphans into the dust, to which Grieve responded by saying “actually, Paul, I’m in favour of incorporation”) so I wonder how completely “sound” his instincts are, from the point of view of anti-human rights Tories. Anyway, since he’s now in charge of that project, I expect clarification of how they intend to replace the Human Rights Act, not just a pledge to do so.

I think what the Conservatives seem to be missing, though, is the important contribution of the Attorney to European policy. What the existing treaties allow the UK to do, the extent to which powers can be repatriated, how to make a non-Lisbon world work or how to deconstruct Lisbon and create something else – a Conservative government’s approach will have to rest on a legal standpoint as well as policy aims – especially if the idea is to sell an alternative view to other governments. Is someone close to Cameron developing Tory legal thinking about Europe to serve his policy, working with the foreign affairs team? If not, I think they’re missing a trick. There may not be votes in it, but if they do win, do they want to hit the ground running on Europe, or spend two years working stuff out?

I can’t really believe Grieve would fill both these roles in government – it’d be quite a coup for any lawyer to be both Lord Chancellor and Attorney General at the same time, but if you take either job seriously it can’t be done, and it would give the conflict of interest mavens who dogged Lord Goldsmith in his last months an absolute field day. How can you be responsible for the independence of the courts and judiciary from the state, and be the person who superintends all state prosecutions?

I think David Cameron might have been better to pick the person he knows he actually wants as Attorney now – even if simply as an adviser to Grieve pending a peerage. There must be some decent Tory lawyers out there… suggestions welcome in comments. I’m not available myself (or suitable, not being a Conservative) although someone has to make sure they never again turn to Bill Cash.

2009-01-20T12:26:00+00:00Tags: , , |

John Mortimer

January 20 2009

I know surprisingly little about John Mortimer, and can’t claim to have any special interest in him: I never read any of his books, and his apparently champagny socialism put me off him quite a bit, especially in the 1980s, when he seemed unaware of why anyone might be dissatisfied with what Labour was offering – a very “London” attitude, it seemed to me then as a northern youth.

But Rumpole is an important creation, and many, like me, must have first got ideas about law from watching Leo McKern in the role on telly. In my own case, a dose of that after a few years of watching Crown Court probably affected me for life. A major contribution to legal literature, Rumpole – and I take my hat off to his maker.

2009-01-20T12:15:00+00:00Tags: |

Islington v Ladele: sanity restored

January 19 2009

Something I’ve not yet commented on since my part facultative-festive and part enforced-technological break is the welcome restoration of sense and good legal analysis to the field of religious discrimination by the Employment Appeal Tribunal, which has reversed the much-publicised but obviously wrong decision at first instance in this case. Usefully Employed ran with the story just before Christmas, as did John Boch at Family Lore. Read the EAT’s judgment here.

I’m glad to say the EAT agrees with all my criticisms of the original judgment. The Employment Tribunal was hopelessly confused about that discriminaiton means, thinking that because Ms. Ladele’s refusal to conduct civil partnership ceremonies was motivated by her Christian beliefs, it follows that Islington’s discipline of her was tratment on grounds of those beliefs – which it plainly wasn’t. It was always clear that what happened could never properly have been characterised as direct discrimination – I’m glad the EAT says so in terms (see paragraph 53 of the judgment). Nor was it indirect discrimination to discipline her since according to the EAT a council which is obliged to perform civil parterships is entitled to require its employees to provide them. Quite right.

The EAT did not find it necessary to go as far as Liberty asked them to do – to rule in effect that council have to require all registrars to carry ou civil partnerships so as to avoid discriminaiton on grounds of sexuality – though I think that must be a reasonable legal argument. If fundamenalist Christians out there want to leave open the option of being given special, favourabl arrangements by their employers when it comes to dealing with gay people then I’d advise them not to take silly cases like Ms. Ladele’s: I think there’s a fair chaince Liberty’s argument might win out if it came up again. The only thing I don’t understand is why it’s Liberty that was making this argument (which has nothing to do with Liberty and everything to do with sexual orientation and equality) and not the Commission for Equality and Human Rights. I’m afraid this sugests there might be something wrong with both organisations.

Finally, the EAT agreed with me that the original findings of harrassment were based on bad reasoning, and insufficient consideration of whether the supposed harrassment was on grounds of religion. It wasn’t.

I think the EAT was quite right to substitute its own finding rather than order another tribunal hearing: it’s quite clear that the evidence in this case discloses no discrimination or harrassment and that no reasonable tribunal could have found it. Ms. Ladele got her moment in the sun because she happened to chance upon an unreasonable and very confuded tribunal; I wouldn’d advice her to appeal any further; she has absolutely no chance of winning.

Shadow Attorney, anyone?

January 19 2009

There may have been a Tory reshuffle, but I still don’t know who the shadow Attorney is going to be. Lord Trimble has been suggested; Ken Clarke would be enormous fun if allowed to double up, though I expect as advice on the Lisbon Treaty, the existing EU treaties and on human rights will make the Attorney’s job a key role in any Conservative government – much more important even than recent Attorneys have been – Ken just couldn’t be trusted in the job. Oh, well.

2009-01-19T15:33:00+00:00Tags: |

Charon’s Blawg Review 193

January 19 2009

While I was away the redoubtable Charon QC posted an immense Don Quixote of a Blawg Review, a true monster full of digested tasties. How he does it, I don’t know and nor does anyone including I think himself. Apart from the great fun of reading him and his selections, he’s also providing a massive service through his Pageflakes of blawgs from all over the world – amazing! Long may he sail, reign… whatever…

I hope I can approach this kind of heady achievement when I do Blawg Review for the first time on March 9 – or else Geeklawyer will blow me out of the water the following week.

2009-01-19T13:32:00+00:00Tags: |

Televising the courts: Keir Starmer is right

January 19 2009

I’m a few days late in reacting to the new DPP Keir Starmer’s statement that he’s not opposed to televising criminal trials, subject to safeguards. I back him wholeheartedly; this has been exactly my view for years.

I well remember in the days before I was a lawyer, visiting my local Crown Court in Warrington. I found the public gallery all right – it consisted of about ten chairs as I recall – but my lone appearance there was obviously unusual because an usher came across to ask me whether I was a witness, a relative of the accused, or a member of the press. It was quite clear that outsiders were quite unexpected, and though not unwelcome were a source of puzzlement. I can also remember as a student how often the small public galleries at Manchester Crown Court were full – again, there might only be a dozen seats, as I recall, in courts in one of the country’s major cities. The truth is that our court system is public in theory only, and that while the right to trial in public is guaranteed by the Human Rights Act, in reality the characterisation of the criminal justice system as “public” depends entirely on press reporting. Most unreported trials are in effect private, and as a whole the system is very much one for insiders. So much so that most people have no idea how ludicrously unrealistic are TV shows like Criminal Justice and the hilarious Judge John Deed. I think most people also imagine judges in Britain bang gavels on desks, like the American judges they see in films.

This situation is completely unacceptable. The public has a right to see what goes on it courts, a right which should be real, not a nice white liberal lie, and the public ought to see it, too. Defendants and witnesses have a right to know that the public sees what’s happening, too. Bad laws, policies and cultures that treat defendants in a harsh, automatic way, that allow witnesses to be abused an intimidated and that permit unjustified delays need to be exposed, not allowed to carry on unnoticed.

Yes, there need to be safeguards, and some commission or committee of establishment bores should probably be set up to consider them: perhaps only evidence seen by the jury should be aired live, and not legal arguments, say about the admissibility of evidence (although it’s just as possible now for a mate to lurk in a court and tell a juror about these arguments as it would be if the arguments were televised). Perhaps certain types of trial need to be held back from screening – although I’d caution against the automatic assumption that rape trials, for instance, should never be seen. There is so much political debate and campaigning about rape trials, so many claims that they are unfair either to witnesses or defendants, that something in me thinks they should be more visible to the public (perhaps with anonymisation of the complainant), not overly protected.

There was, once, a lot of nervousness about what would happen in Parliament were televised, but I think Parliament is – slowly – regaining its place at the centre of national life because it can now be seen free on digital telly. A small class of political geeks actually watches debates; a not huge but significant audience watches major events like the budget speech or PMQs – many more people than ever read budget speeches in the past; and the work of committees is becoming much more important now that (like Senate hearings in the States) their work is on telly. Finally, news reporting of Parliament is much more immediate, and the speeches of backbenchers much more likely to have any impact, because clips can be shown in news programmes. The courts could make a similar return to the centre of our national life, and the public debate about criminal justice would slowly become better informed, if Parliament were to apply its own medicine to them. Not everyone would welcome a return to the Victorian days when barristers were stars and gruesome trials gripped the nation, but I would: a bit of tawdry prurience would be a price well worth paying for a more open and accountable justice system.

Finally: I’m not against their being consulted, but this is not something judges should decide. They do not own the courts, though they’re often treated as though they do.

2009-01-19T11:36:00+00:00Tags: , , , |
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