The “Islam4UK” banning order

January 13 2010

In case you’re interested, here’s the order, made under section 3(6) of the Terrorism Act 2000, by means of which Alan Johnson has banned “Islam4UK” under several alternative names. The Order was made on Monday, which suggests it was drafted last week – clearly in response to Anjem Choudary’s threat of a march in Wootton Bassett.

Proscribed Organisations (Name Changes) Order 2010, SI 2010/34

Thanks to Tim Swain.

A possibly interesting question (or possibly one which shows how crazily pedantic the legal mind can be) is what if any difference it makes if Choudary runs the London School of Shariah rather than, as the order proscribes, the London School of Sharia. I think the answer must be that it makes little difference, because of section 3(9) of the 2000 Act.

2010-01-13T19:49:53+00:00Tags: , , |

That pesky age discrimination law

January 13 2010

Now and again you hear the opinion expressed that anti-discrimination law is a lot of unnecessary over-regulation and red tape dreamt up single-handedly by that awful Harriet Harman and imposed on a business world that always looks for the best people anyway because of market forces. This is the Fox view of the world. But is it right?

Not on the evidence of this advert on the Guardian Jobs website.

Picture 7

Oops. I’m not sure anything about the job indicates that youth is a genuine occupational requirement for this vacancy; perhaps an old bright spark could do the job just as well. So I wonder whether the advert breaches regulation 7(1)(a) of the Employment Equality (Age) Regulations 2006.

I dare say that according to Foxthink, this type of thing just shows not that employment law is needed, but that it doesn’t work.

2010-01-13T17:25:55+00:00Tags: , |

Sion Simon, Keith Vaz and Law Officers’ advice

January 6 2010

The DCMS minister Sion Simon has been speaking for the government in the Commons this afternoon, and is in an embarrassing situation: it appears that government lawyers have advised that the Video Recordings Act 1984 should have been notified to the European Commission under the “Technical Standards” Directive, 83/189 (since replaced by Directive 98/34). Since it was not, its provisions are unenforceable; the government has therefore now notified, and by means of the Video Recordings Bill is repealing and reenacting the 1984 provisions. The bill is going through in effect in a day. Oops!

Technical standards notification is one of those nightmare issues that arises occasionally in government – the need to notify is always unwelcome and easy to miss, and when you suspect you should have notified something in the past, a feeling of gloom overtakes you and you’re tempted to bury the file in a long-untouched cabinet. I felt a bit sorry for the minister who had to take this to the House. It wasn’t his failure that caused this problem of course.

Sion Simon’s turn at the dispatch box, then, wasn’t perhaps one he’ll look back on with great pride. But on one point he was unfairly made to appear foolish by Keith Vaz, who asked him whether his legal advice had come from the Attorney General. Simon explained he could not say whether it had: it was the advice of DCMS’s lawyers having consulted lawyers elsewhere in government. I’m certain that both the Cabinet Office’s specialist EU lawyers and the Law Officers will have advised on this; it’s unthinkable DCMS would be given the slot for a bill like this without the Attorney’s agreeing their legal view. But there is a convention that ministers do not disclose either the fact that the Attorney has advised on a particular matter, or the content of the advice. It’s a convention very rarely breached, for instance in cases such as Iraq. It’s also taken pretty seriously: I’ve had the job of “enforcing” the convention within government myself in the past. The minister’s technical standards headache would just have got a bit worse had he leaked the Attorney’s advice too.

Keith Vaz gave a give me strength shake of the head following Sion Simon’s non-reply; but Vaz used to be a minister himself, and surely knows about the convention. Doesn’t he? He also seemed to think DCMS might have tabled the bill without having taken any advice from qualified lawyers at all – which was also a surprising (in the Whitehall sense) thing for an ex-Home Office minister, and select committee chairman, to think.

Trafigura: the UN report, and free expression

December 18 2009

In my last post, I linked to a UN report about the adverse effects of the movement and dumping of toxic and dangerous products and wastes. The Special Rapporteur visited Ivory Coast as part of his efforts to examine the effects of dumping from the Probo Koala. That report is below. But it’s worth quoting from paragraph 84:

the Special Rapporteur is greatly concerned by reports that the company has filed or threatened to file libel lawsuits against various civil society and media institutions that have reported on the Probo Koala incident in a critical manner. Such lawsuits may have the effect of stifling independent reporting and public criticism. In this regard, the Special Rapporteur considers that Trafigura, as a public figure in this case, should show restraint.

Report of the UN Special Rapporteur, 3 September 2009

Thanks to Matt West for uploading the report at Scribd.

Trafigura v BBC: settlement and statement

December 17 2009

Index on Censorship are reporting that the BBC have settled with Trafigura in their libel case – that would explain the “disappearance” of the videos. Here’s the joint statement in court. Here’s Trafigura’s new page, and here’s Carter-Ruck’s.

I don’t think this is the end of the matter, though. Settling and apologising is one thing; disappearing journalism is another, especially when that happened before there was any public explanation – and even now, the statements don’t tell us whether  or not the removal of the videos is part of the settlement. And it’s not clear why clarification, qualification or correction of the material was insufficient, and why instead we’ve just had complete removal of the videos. Of course the result is that the BBC reports will live on in cyberspace.

My hunch is that Trafigura and Carter-Ruck may have decided to ignore the internet as not important enough to sue – bloggers will find out before too long – and that they are adopting the “Millwall” position, knowing the web hates them, but not caring. Perhaps now this phase is sorted, Carter-Ruck’s lawyers will have time to respond to my e-mails of earlier this week, and explain whether or not they object to bloggers posting the original Liz Mackean Newsnight report. I’d like to know and I think it’s reasonable to ask them, too.

I think because of its own litigious actions the name Trafigura is likely for ever to be linked to toxic waste and restrictions on free expression. I expect they’ll rebrand themselves.

UPDATE:

Here’s the Guardian’s take on the settlement, referring to a “combative” BBC statement.

UPDATE:

Here’s at least part of that BBC statement. Note that the BBC says

An official Ivory Coast Government report into the incident had stated that people had died because of the waste and a recent United Nations report also found that there was strong prima facie evidence linking the waste to a number of deaths.

They mean this UN Report.

Yet Liz Mackean’s original report must disappear, and license-payers’ money must be paid out.

2009-12-17T18:40:20+00:00Tags: , , |

R (E) v JFS: something has gone wrong

December 16 2009

The Supreme Court has given judgment today in this case about the admissions policy of JFS school, a state secondary school that has been educating Jewish children in London since 1732. M’s father, E wanted M to go to the school: but he wasn’t given a place because according to Orthodox Jewish principles, M is not recognised as Jewish. That’s because his mother was not herself Jewish according to those rules (she is or was Italian, and was originally a Catholic). She converted to Judaism – which would have been okay had she converted according to the process recognised by the Chief Rabbi. But she converted under the auspices of a non-Orthodox synagogue. That wasn’t good enough for JFS; and so E went to law – claiming race discrimination, on the basis that his son was turned down because of his mother’s non-Jewish ethnic origins. It’s not about religious discrimination because faith schools have special protection under that law.

Having just invented the term religitigation to cover legal cases about religion, it’s good to come across an example in which both sides seem to have a reasonable case. I should say that, as a very severely lapsed Catholic, I have very little knowledge of Orthodox Judaism as opposed to Reform or Masorti Judaism (the type of Judaism E and his family follow). Temperamentally, being an atheist, I tend to be friendlier to “reform” anything than I am to “orthodox” anything. I certainly have no views on who is a Jew, or what sort of Jew should be allowed into Jewish schools. I’m not even sure how happy I am that there are faith schools, though I’m pretty clear I’m against allowing them to grow much in number. But I can certainly understand E’s frustration about his family not being regarded as sufficiently Jewish for the school. Equally, I have some sympathy with the school’s desire to stick by the Orthodox approach I understand it’s been applying for many years.

The Court has split 5-4 on the main issue: the majority holds that the admissions policy amounts to direct discrimination on racial grounds. As Lady Hale puts it (para. 66):

Is the criterion adopted by the Chief Rabbi, and thus without question by the school, based upon the child’s ethnic origins? In my view, it clearly is. M was rejected because of his mother’s ethnic origins, which were Italian and Roman Catholic. The fact that the Office of the Chief Rabbi would have over-looked his mother’s Italian origins, had she converted to Judaism in a procedure which they would recognise, makes no difference to this fundamental fact. M was rejected, not because of who he is, but because of who his mother is. That in itself is not enough. If M had been rejected because his mother shopped in Waitrose rather than Marks and Spencer, that would not have been because of her or his ethnicity. But it was because his mother was not descended in the matrilineal line from the original Jewish people that he was rejected. This was because of his lack of descent from a particular ethnic group.

Lord Mance (para. 86) says:

A test of membership of a religion that focuses on descent from a particular people is a test based on ethnic origins. Whether matrilineal descent was originally chosen because it was an easy and secure way of identifying ancestry or because some other special significance was attached to women’s role is not relevant. Other tests identifying a people by drawing on descent or ancestry can of course exist, for example, a test based on patrilineal origins, or on the origins of both parents. Some other Jewish denominations, the Court was told, have other tests, e.g. looking, or looking also, at the patrilineal line. But all such tests look, in one way or another, at ethnic origins…. This case cannot therefore be viewed as a mere disagreement between different Jewish denominations, for example about the criteria for conversion. It turns, more fundamentally, on whether it is permissible for any school to treat one child less favourably than another because the child does not have whatever ancestry is required, in the school’s view, to make the child Jewish.

Or as Lord Kerr puts it (para. 117)

The basis for the decision, therefore, or the grounds on which it was taken, was M’s lack of Jewishness. What motivated the school to approach the question of admission in this way was, no doubt, its desire to attract students who were recognised as Jewish by OCR and that may properly be characterised as a religious aspiration but I am firmly of the view that the basis that underlay it (in other words, the grounds on which it was taken) was that M did not have the necessary matrilineal connection in his ethnic origin.

Here’s Lord Clarke (para. 148):

As I see it, once it is accepted (as Lord Brown does) that the reason M is not a member of the Jewish religion is that his forbears in the matrilineal line were not Orthodox Jews and that, in that sense his less favourable treatment is determined by his descent, it follows that he is discriminated against on ethnic grounds. It makes no difference whether the reason M is not acceptable is that neither his mother nor anyone in his matrilineal line was born Jewish or that his mother was not converted to Orthodox Judaism. The question is, in my opinion, not that espoused by Lord Rodger, but whether it is discrimination on ethnic grounds to discriminate against all those who are not descended from Jewish women. In my opinion it is.

All of these rulings are seductive in the reading – Lord Phillips’s is the only one of the majority which I would pick out as, in my view, not clearly setting out the reasoning on which his conclusions was based (as opposed to his reasons for rejecting JFS’s arguments). They each deploy legislation and precedent fairly persuasively and make a pretty good case for their conclusion.

But having read Lord Rodger’s judgment, I have to say I see great force in his point (para. 226) that

The majority’s decision leads to such extraordinary results, and produces such manifest discrimination against Jewish schools in comparison with other faith schools, that one can’t help feeling that something has gone wrong.

The consequences he means are that Jewish schools will be prohibited by law from selecting their pupils according to their own religious principles. His judgment is by far the most impressive piece of reasoning of any of the Justices’, and has a clarity and force that is sharpened by its trenchancy. As he explains at para. 228

Lady Hale says that M was rejected because of his mother’s ethnic origins which were Italian and Roman Catholic. I respectfully disagree. His mother could have been as Italian in origin as Sophia Loren and as Roman Catholic as the Pope for all that the governors cared: the only thing that mattered was that she had not converted to Judaism under Orthodox auspices. It was her resulting non-Jewish religious status in the Chief Rabbi’s eyes, not the fact that her ethnic origins were Italian and Roman Catholic, which meant that M was not considered for admission. The governors automatically rejected M because he was descended from a woman whose religious status as a Jew was not recognised by the Orthodox Chief Rabbi; they did not reject him because he was descended from a woman whose ethnic origins were Italian and Roman Catholic.

and at para. 230

Even supposing that the governors knew about his origins, they were quite irrelevant and played no part in their decision. The governors were simply asked to consider admitting him as the son of a Jewish mother. They declined to do so because his mother had not converted under Orthodox auspices. It was her non-Orthodox conversion that was crucial. In other words, the only ground for treating M less favourably than the comparator is the difference in their respective mothers’ conversions – a religious, not a racial, ground.

I think what makes his approach so convincing it that is focuses so clearly on first principles: in comparison the majority’s approach seems clouded by the intellectual frameworks they found in earlier cases – the extent to which the motive underlying discrimination could be distinguished from its grounds, for instance, which has perhaps led them to discount what can be characterised as JFS’s motivations as irrelevant.

Lord Brown agrees with Lord Rodger.

All the Justices agree there was at least indirect discrimination here (i.e. that the Orthodox Jewish rules are on their face racially neutral, but put children of some ethnic origins at a disadvantage). On the question whether that was unlawful or whether JFS had justified it, however, there was a slightly different outcome: Lords Hope and Walker, while siding with the minority on the direct discrimination point, both take the view that JFS had not justified the use of the Orthodox rules.

This I find very difficult to understand: in my view Lords Hope and Walker have erred by importing a much too subjective element into the concept of justification. The question, for them, seems to be whether JFS thought enough about its policy and whether it gave enough consideration to, and made enough compromises because of, its effect on M. That, though, is not the point. The point, surely, is whether applying the Orthodox Jewish rules has a legitimate aim and is a proportionate way of achieving that aim. Again, Lord Rodger seems to me to have this right (para. 233):

The aim of the School, to instil Jewish values into children who are Jewish in the eyes of Orthodoxy, is legitimate. And, from the standpoint of an Orthodox school, instilling Jewish values into children whom Orthodoxy does not regard as Jewish, at the expense of children whom Orthodoxy does regard as Jewish, would make no sense. That is plainly why the School’s oversubscription policy allows only for the admission of children recognised as Jewish by the Office of the Chief Rabbi. I cannot see how a court could hold that this policy is a disproportionate means of achieving the School’s legitimate aim.

Lord Brown agrees, citing (para. 255) Munby J at first instance:

Adopting some alternative admissions policy based on such factors as adherence or commitment to Judaism (even assuming that such a concept has any meaning for this purpose in Jewish religious law) would not be a means of achieving JFS’s aims and objectives; on the contrary it would produce a different school ethos. If JFS’s existing aims and objectives are legitimate, as they are, then a policy of giving preference to children who are Jewish applying Orthodox Jewish principles is, they say, necessary and proportionate – indeed, as it seems to me, essential – to achieve those aims . . . JFS exists as a school for Orthodox Jews. If it is to remain a school for Orthodox Jews it must retain its existing admissions policy; if it does not, it will cease to be a school for Orthodox Jews. Precisely. To this argument there is, and can be, no satisfactory answer.

Incidentally, I found it very helpful that the Court has decided to set out the majority opinions first, followed by the minority. It may not always be possible to adopt such a clear structure where a case involves a number of issues on which Justices take a variety of views. But where possible, this very much helps understanding, and is an excellent innovation.

You may be interested in Melanie Phillips’s comments – her views are similar to mine, though more vehement and more focused on what she sees as the arrogance and blundering of the judges. Fair points, as is her reminder of Lord Phillips’s absurd, almost surreal defence of Rowan Williams’s views on sharia law not all that long ago. Odd that he can see JFS’s policies as in effect racist, but sharia family law as not sexist. He, though, is President of the Supreme Court, unlike Melanie Phillips (which Phillips would you prefer?) and me.

There’s a discussion at Harry’s Place, too.

Ladele v Islington and “religitigation”

December 16 2009

I must record that Lillian Ladele has lost her appeal in the religious discrimination case she brought against her employer, Islington Council, some time ago. She’s the registrar who, having been designated a civil partnerships registrar, refused to carry out civil partnership ceremonies because her Christian beliefs were opposed to them. She claimed Islington had discriminated against her on the grounds of her religion. Initially, she won at the Employment Tribunal; the Tribunal took leave of its senses and decided there was direct discrimination against her, even though requiring registrars to carry out CPs was clearly a religiously neutral practice (in the sense that non-Christians were required to do it just as Christians were), so it was plainly a case of indirect discrimination. That obvious error mattered a great deal, because an employer cannot justify direct discrimination: Islington’s reasons for its policy were, in the ET’s view, irrelevant.

The Employment Appeal Tribunal put matters straight, and I was right to say she had no chance on any further appeal, as the Court of Appeal has now shown. In fact the position of evangelical Christian registrars is worse as a result of this further appeal, since the Master of the Rolls Lord Neuberger has made clear he thinks councils must now under the Equality Act (Sexual Orientation) Regulations 2007 legally require anyone they have designated as a civil partnership registrar to conduct CPs. That was a point that the EAT had found it unnecessary to decide. If there are any other designated CP registrars who’ve until now been accommodated by their employers in their religious objections, they have Ms. Ladele and her supporters at the Christian Institute to thank for the fact that that will now, in all probability, change. Any Christian registrars who have not yet been so designated should focus on persuading their employer not to designate them, if they want any latitude to remain. Lord Neuberger says (para. 75) that decisions not to designate them “may well be lawful”.

Finally, I’m not the only person to have noticed a sharp increase in the numbers of legal cases involving complaints by religious people that their rights have been infringed because their beliefs have been insufficiently respected – the recent acquittal of Ben and Sharon Vogelenzang, who were charged with using threatening, abusive or insulting words which were religiously aggravated against a Muslim convert, is another example. It may be worth mentioning that the Vogelenzangs were also supported by the Christian Institute.

To be fair, I like many others have sympathy for the Vogelenzangs and am glad they were acquitted. They were the victims of what I’m tempted to call the religitigation culture, and their case shows that religious believers themselves can be the victims of it just as much as anyone else.

But I’m concerned about religitigation and the role of activists like the Christian Institute in promoting it. I think it risks harming relations between religious believers and wider society, promoting the quasi-separatism some extreme believers may want at the expense of the pluralism I think the majority of believers and non-believers would prefer, and making a legal minefield of those common sense give-and-take compromises even admittedly secularist atheists like me might otherwise be inclined to make. The practical result of Ladele v Islington for others in her position I think proves my point.

2009-12-16T12:18:37+00:00Tags: , , , |

Trafigura all over again

December 16 2009

I’ve written about Trafigura before. Now they’re at it again, apparently – it’s reported that the BBC has pulled from its website Liz McKean’s original report about the dumping of toxic waste in Ivory Coast in 2006. That move may be part of settlement discussions between Trafigura and the BBC, which it is suing for libel; or it may be because of pressure from Trafigura, or just on the advice of BBC lawyers. I don’t know. It must be a matter of major concern, however, if genuine investigative broadcasting can simply be disappeared like this. Trafigura are, it seems, once again associating themselves with attempts to silence justified public discussion of their activities – and in the process, not just self-Streisanding, but now re-self-Streisanding.

Other bloggers have linked to videos of the original Liz McKean report or to a subsequent Newsnight report about libel law. I’m not going to do either of those things, at least not for the moment, but here is the draft Minton report, which was previously subject to an injunction, but which Carter-Ruck solicitors have since told me I am free to report on, and which is in the public domain already. Here it is:

Minton Report

And here’s the link to the PDF if you can’t read that. I’d never have done that if I weren’t concerned that Trafigura may be attempting to suppress BBC reporting.Why don’t they focus on getting their own case across, rather than trying to silence others?

I think there should be an emergency debate in Parliament about this, and was tweet-lobbying some MPs last night, for what it’s worth. MPs quickly spoke their minds when Carter-Ruck tried to gag reporting of their proceedings, and although I understand there’s only a day left before the Christmas recess, if they fail to find a way of raising this urgently, MPs risk creating the appearance that they are only concerned about the freedom of their own expression. And although the case is sub judice, the Speaker always has a discretion to allow debate and questions on matters of national importance. Which this is, especially given the history.

2009-12-16T02:04:17+00:00Tags: , , |

Those RBS bonuses: why is there even a row?

December 4 2009

As is well known, the directors of RBS threatened to resign if Alistair Darling blocks the bonuses they want to pay their traders; apparently they’ve had legal advice that this would breach their fiduciary duties – though the row has already cooled, with the directors caving in. I must say, I found the legal advice hard to understand, if it really was as claimed: how can you breach a fiduciary duty by complying with a compulsory requirement imposed by government? It seems to me like saying you breach fiduciary duties by complying with the law on, say, pregnancy and maternity leave – which surely costs shareholders – or with regulatory orders and requirements of the FSA. Maybe some city lawyer types can explain. RBS has been supported by government through the bank recapitalisation scheme, in relation to which Alistair Darling said this last year:

If the Government is to provide capital, the issue will carry terms and conditions that appropriately reflect the financial commitment made by the taxpayer, including in relation to dividend policy, remuneration, lending policy and wider public policy issues.

Obviously one of these conditions was his consent, or UK Financial Investments’ consent, to any bonus packages. So if the RBS board thinks submitting to Treasury clearance of its bonus package is inconsistent with their duties, surely they should never have taken part in the bank recapitalisation scheme in the first place. By doing so, on their own view, mustn’t they have breached their fiduciary duties already? It’s a bit late to bring this up now.

I think the better view must be that the board was acting perfectly in accordance with its duties when it agreed to the very necessary government backing last year – and the conditions on which that support was offered. Neither that decision, nor complying with those conditions, is a breach of duty any more than agreeing to a normal commercial loan – or subsequently repaying it. Repayment is I believe normally a condition of obtaining a loan, but in itself is hardly favourable to shareholders.

The question raised by all this, though, is why the government hasn’t already taken legal power to control bank bonuses – that could remove even the possibility of any such row. Parliament is now considering a proposal in the Financial Services Bill requiring the FSA to impose remuneration policies on banks, and empowering the government to order the FSA to audit those policies against the principle of effective risk management, and international “implementation standards”. Not the strongest regime, I would have thought; this appears no more than is required to meet the G20 agreement earlier this year. And why only now?

2009-12-04T15:58:48+00:00Tags: , , , |

The perfectly fit Attorney General

December 3 2009

Afua Hirsch wrote in yesterday’s Guardian that the role of Attorney General is unfit for purpose and unsustainable:

In many ways the problem is as simple as this: the job description just does not work. The attorney general is tasked with the provision of independent advice to the government as its chief legal adviser, alongside the political duties of being a member of the government, with superintendence of the prosecuting authorities thrown in for good measure. It is a combination so conceptually challenging that even the office-holders struggle with it.

That’s fair enough as far as it goes. But she bases much of her criticism on the controversies that dogged Lord Goldsmith during his tenure: his advice on the invasion of Iraq, of course; the SFO’s decision not to prosecute BAe for bribery in the al Yamamah case; and “cash for honours”.

The problem is, even if you think his conduct on these three matters shows Lord Goldsmith was the biggest fool and knave ever to hold the office (not my view), none of that calls into question the office itself. Most people have made up their minds that Lord Goldsmith was wrong about Iraq (I’m not convinced he was); but anyway, a non-political civil servant would have been just as capable of being wrong as he was. If anyone thinks government lawyers are immune from ministerial pressure, then they’ve not seen law in government from the inside.

Afua Hirsch’s second indictment of Lord Goldsmith – BAe – proves the point, since the decision to drop the prosecution was actually taken not the Attorney but by the SFO’s director, the civil servant Robert Wardle, who was strongly influenced by the PM’s view on national security. I got that wrong myself at the time, but I did make the point that it was right that someone could be summoned to Parliament for account for the decision immediately. That’s what the Attorney is for.

Finally, I have to defend Lord Goldsmith (who was once my ministerial boss, perhaps I should declare) over “cash for honours”. Yes, his intervention “linked” him to the story. But in fact he sought that injunction at the request of the police, not Downing Street. Anyone who thinks that was an attempt to help Tony Blair has simply forgotten what “cash for honours” was about; the real scandal would have been if Goldsmith had not sought the injunction. Yes, it would have been problematic had he been forced by law to take the decision to prosecute, but that never happened. And he came up with a reasonable solution to that problem – he said he’d instruct external counsel after consulting the opposition, and publish the advice if he decided against prosecution. Whatever you think of Iraq, it really is difficult to accuse him of doing anything wrong over cash for honours.

The current Iraq inquiry may judge Lord Goldsmith. History certainly will. And most people have judged him in their own minds already. But I don’t think it makes sense to turn judgment of the man into an argument for tinkering with the office he used to hold. That’s the sort of consitutional whimmery that makes people think PR would solve the MPs expenses issue.

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